A Fuller Spectrum of the Complexity of Filipino Culture and Identity

The common portrayal of Filipino history, as it is taught, discussed, and celebrated, gives prominence to the period of Spanish colonization, which began in the late 16th century and lasted for approximately 333 years. This essay will explore some of the significant elements of the history of the archipelago (Philippines) to stimulate the minds of younger generations of Filipinos worldwide into questioning and unveiling their complex identities. It also aims to encourage older generations of Filipinos and the international community to help redefine the future of the country, inclusive of our historical past beyond the period of Spanish colonization. Detailed accounts of the pre-colonized Philippines have been documented by historians, both Filipino and non-Filipino alike. In our modern world, where the outcomes of colonization have become the foundation of our progress as nations in terms of technology, infrastructure, governmental, social, and economic structures, I regard such historians as the genuine heroes and heroines of our time.

Reflecting on the history of the archipelago, in 1521, Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan claimed the island of Cebu—presently one of the two largest cities in the Philippines located on the Visayas island—from its leader Rajah Humabon for the Spanish monarchy. However, within the same year, Rajah Humabon was killed by an Indigenous leader named Lapu-Lapu. In 1565, a Spanish conquistador named Miguel Lopez de Legazpi successfully established a settlement on the island of Cebu, marking the inception of Spanish colonization. Following Cebu, a larger settlement on the island of Luzon called the kingdom of Maynila (present-day Manila and the capital of the Philippines) became significant. Legazpi ordered an exploration of the settlement due to its ideal location. Situated at the mouth of the Pasig River and the Bay of Manila, it was an active trading port for countries such as China and Indonesia. It was the largest territory on the archipelago before 1565.

Before the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors, the archipelago (The Philippines) was already a flourishing chain of islands. The trade routes on the archipelago were part of the larger maritime trading network in Southeast Asia. Before the 10TH century, trading with other Asian and non-Asian groups presently known as China, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Arabs was already taking place. China was a significant partner in trading for the Indigenous groups along the coasts. The earliest record of trading between China and Ma-I (present-day Mindoro), was mentioned in the Sung Dynasty history archive for the year 972 CE. “The first Philippine tribute mission to China appears to have come from Butuan on 17 March 1001.” [1] The port of Butuan is located on the northwest corner of the island of Mindanao, south of the Philippines. Trading relations particularly with the Kingdom of Champa (present-day Vietnam) and China were mostly for tributary purposes. Each tributary state and Indigenous group from the archipelago had theirspecific roles in trading with China. They were not regarded as colonized states and the tributary trading relations were a diplomatic initiative of the Chinese. “As late as 1373, the first tribute mission from Luzon appears in the company of envoys from Chola on the west coast of India.” [2] Apart from trading goods, ideas, knowledge, and cultural practices became a significant part of trading. Religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam made their way to the archipelago through trading relations with Indian, Arab, and Malay traders. Hinduism is believed to have arrived on the archipelago in the 9th century, Buddhism followed in the 10th century, and Islam in the 13th century. The fact of the matter is, that these religions were present centuries before the first Spanish and Portuguese conquistadors reached the islands of the archipelago. Presently in Manila, there are roughly twenty mosques and over fifty Buddhist centers. For a country with strong Catholic influence, perhaps this may serve as evidence of the diverse religious presence before the arrival of Catholicism.

One of the most significant archeological finds in the Butuan was the balangay, a small narrow boat built with planks and wood pegs. These were the same boats that met the fleet of Magellan as they three were heading to the island of Cebu for the first time. According to UNESCO, “around nine balangay boats have been uncovered at the Butuan sites that range in date from the 10th to the 13th century CE. All the recovered boats were constructed with the same edge-pegged method of construction, which is typical of Southeast Asian boat-making technology. The planks are one long continuous piece, carved to shape and made of hardwood.” [3] The oldest balangay is currently on display at the Butuan National Museum in Calaga Mindanao. As noted on the museum exhibit, the oldest balangay was discovered on September 3, 1976. Gakushuin University in Tokyo, Japan determined that the oldest balangay dates to 320 AD. The construction of the boat enabled it to endure rough winds, allowing Indigenous traders of the archipelago to navigate their way along the waterways and open seas. Another significant archeological discovery on the archipelago includes gold artifacts in Surigao Mindanao dating from 10th to 13th CE, corresponding to the ancient period of the Srivijaya Empire’s (present-day Indonesia) influence on the archipelago. Gold has played a significant part in the ancient culture of the archipelago. It was a medium for trading as a form of currency and for the expression of artistry in the form of jewelry for example. The ancestral gold jewelry of the archipelago attested to the sophisticated craftsmanship of Indigenous people, their creativity, and hints of cultural influences obtained through maritime trading.

The pre-colonized communities on the archipelago were culturally diverse, particularly along the coast where trading had taken place for centuries. The Venetian nobleman named Antonio Pigafetta served as the chronicler for Magellan observed upon their arrival on the archipelago, “The islands are accustomed to wear cotton and silk garments, and gold pieces (not merely thin plate) and brooches to fasten them; and rich necklaces, pendants earring, finger-rings, ankle rings, for the neck, ears, hands, and feet – the men as well as the women.” [4] The people of the Visayas islands were also called Pintados because of the intricate tattoos the Indigenous people had on their bodies. In contrast with the kingdom of Maynila (Manila), “The Muslims, both men and women, were well-attired. They wore showy head-dresses of many colours that were turned and knotted at the back of their head. They had learned to melt gold and form it into trinkets which they wore as body ornaments. The chiefs were more elegantly attired in comparison with the freemen. Both men and women wore anklets of gold and bracelets around their arms [Relation to the Conquest pg 163, The Muslims in Manila Prior to Colonial Control]. The men wore their hair short while the women pierced their earlobes and wore earrings.” [5] The Spanish also noted that specifically in the Visayas and Mindanao islands, the gold craftsmanship of the locals was exceptional. The Ayala Museum in Makati Philippines displays the most exquisite collection of ancient gold artifacts found on the archipelago. Gold jewels belonging to high-ranking leaders such as a Datu, were looted by the Spanish when they discovered them inside burial grounds. To secure gold for the Spanish monarchy, one Augustinian missionary named Miguel Lopez de Legazpi issued a decree; “In the island of Cubu (Cebu) of the Western Islands belonging to his majesty on the 16th of May 1565…henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king’s officials, or myself… so that no fraud or deceit may occur.” [6] Arguably, this first natural resource extraction by the Spanish on the archipelago not only exploited the country's wealth, but also inflicted environmental damages, andinsulted the dead, the ancient Indigenous groups, and their descendants. Today, there is an increasing call for the repatriation of art to their countries of origin, these gold artifacts may one day be part of a repatriation effort.

Between the beginning of the common era until the Spanish occupation of the archipelago, between the Visayas and Luzon which began in 1565, “the basic socio-political unit was a small community (barangay) of thirty to one hundred families. This unit was characterized by a stratified class system with a petty chief or datu at the apex. The general patterns of settlement and society reflected both the prevailing political decentralization and the limitations of subsistence cultivation.” [7] The name barangay came from the Malay word balangay which was the boat that was used for trading around and outside of the archipelago. During the Spanish occupation from 1565 to 1898, a barangay was 5 subdivided into smaller units called barrios. During the American occupation between 1898-1946, governmental reforms took place and barrios became municipalities or towns with a centralized government. Within a barangay, there were four recognized social classes at least by Spanish accounts. At the top of the tier was the ruling class which consisted of the head or the leader of the social unit. The title of the leader was influenced by the region where the community was situated. Islamized communities on the island of Mindanao called their leader Sultan, the Tagalogs in Luzon Island called their leader Lakan, in the Visayas, the leader was called Datu, the Subanon tribe in Zamboanga called their leader Thimuay, and Indianized polities that traded with Indonesia and Malaysia called their leader Rajah. The Rajah’s barangay was referred to as a kingdom. The present-day Manila was called Kingdom of Maynila led by Rajah Sulayman, and the adjacent kingdom of Tondo led by Rajah Lakandula.

The second tier of the social class during the pre-colonized period was the maharlika or the warrior class. The maharlika was considered a nobility over the commoners. Analogous to how a knight functions in service to a king, the maharlika functioned as the datu’s ambassadors or court members. They worked and fought alongside the datu. The third class consisted of the commoners, servants, and slaves. Becoming a slave was commonly caused by the inability to pay a debt or a result of captivity in a raid. There were two types of slaves. The namamahay lived in their own houses and cultivated their fields. They provided service to their master when they were called upon. The other type of slave was called sagigilid. They cohabitated with their masters and provided the service full-time. They were typically unmarried and treated with civility by being able to eat at the same table as their masters. The sagigilid would be able to improve one’s position in the barangay if the debt was paid off or by marriage, which would include marriage within the master’s family. Any foreigner who would travel to the Philippines, particularly in Manila, would notice that many upper middle-class to affluent families travel with the yayas or nannies to restaurants or shopping malls, typically in uniform. Sometimes, the housekeeper is independent of a nanny, but other times, the two responsibilities are held by one person. Like a sagigilid, the yayas and housekeepers typically 6 live with the family. Unlike a sagigilid in the ancient past, these individuals are not necessarily indebted, but rather, they have obtained their positions through employment.

The fourth social class was the shaman or babaylan. A shaman was a highly respected individual who typically came from a distinguished background, an advisor to the community, a healer, and may have been regarded as someone who possessed some spiritual power or abilities. A shaman could be a man, a woman, or a feminized man. The position of a shaman is a vivid example of gender equality by Western standards. To this day, the practice of babaylan, also known as albularyo or manghihilot is still common particularly in the provinces. Although they are looked down upon by some, one would likely overhear someone saying, “I know a manghihilot who can help cure your illness.”

In the larger barangays such as the kingdom of Maynila, offering a dowry to the woman’s family in exchange for marriage was customary. Polygamy was an accepted practice for men if he was able to support multiple wives, however, only the first wife was recognized to be legitimate by the barangay. The concept of divorce between a couple was also practiced with some conditions. For a man to leave a woman, he would have had to compensate the woman’s family the amount equal to the dowry. In contrast, a woman would have had to compensate the man twice the amount of the dowry. This may very well contradict the definition of gender equality by Western standards. Such contradiction illustrates the complexity of the culture and identity of the pre-colonized societies in the archipelago. Upon a married man’s death, only the direct descendant could receive an inheritance. This meant that if the man did not have children with the legitimate wife, no other children from the other wives could receive the inheritance. Only the direct descendant would have the privilege of inheritance. Presently, divorce is not legally allowed in the Philippines. Rather, a couple who seeks permanent separation would apply for an annulment, the official way to dissolve a legally recognized marriage. Polygamy is also not legally allowed in the Philippines; however, the case may be different in Muslim communities.

Pedro Chirino was a Jesuit missionary and an observer during the Spanish colonization period on the archipelago. Upon meeting the people of the Visayas, he noted “that a woman, whether married or single, could not be saved, who did not have some lover…Consequently, virginity was not recognized or esteemed among them; rather, women considered it as a misfortune and humiliation. Married women, moreover, were not constrained by honor to remain faithful to their husbands, although the latter would resent the adultery, and hold it as just cause for repudiating the wife.” [8] As a historian and a present observer, I would discourage limiting one’s mindset to simplifying Chirino’s observation to a practice of hedonism on the island. His observations reflect the expectations of Christianity towards women. She is to be a role model of propriety, a faithful wife, a devoted mother, as well as the one in charge of the household. “Women were forced to suppress their individual needs and desires to their husbands, all in the name of rationality and civic decorum.” [9] “The fact that female desire was given equal weight profoundly disturbed the repressed and repressive Spanish patriarchs.” [10] The stark difference in the expectations of women within a barangay versus the Christian communities came as an astonishment to the Spanish patriarchs, causing them to emphasize the perceived indecency of women’s sexuality.

Before the colonization of the archipelago, members of the barangays did not have a notion of land ownership and entitlement. They also practiced the act of sharing, a concept that may be difficult to accept in Western societies. There was an abundance of land and natural resources for every barangay. To associate the barangay practice with modern Western societies, each member of the barangay was a shareholder. The member could cultivate any land and benefit from his or her harvest while sharing the surplus with other barangay members with no form of monetary value. Reciprocity could be in the form of lending an extra hand in cultivating the land or receiving harvest surplus from other barangay members. Francisco Alcina was a Spanish historian and a Jesuit priest who provided service in the Visayan islands during the Spanish colonization. He provided his account on the Visayan land rights in 1668.

The absence of land ownership, entitlement, the practice of gender equality, and the customary act of sharing in a barangay were part of ancient traditions that were distinctive of Indigenous values and morals. The earlier description of the Visayans by Chirino could very well be a projected bias of himself or the Catholic church rather than an accurate observation of the barangay, which places uniform weight on both men and women. Chirino’s view on the tolerance for women’s sexuality should have been about the community’s acknowledgment that a man and a woman were of equal importance to the community rather than a criticism of the community for indulging, and the interpretation of a woman’s freedom as her lustful existence. Both men and women each had their own roles and responsibilities during the pre-colonial period, consequently, they did not have the chance to compete in the community directly. A woman’s ability to reproduce, however, gave her a significant place in the community. Like other groups in Southeast Asia, having more daughters meant a sign of wealth.

According to Chirino, “The dominant marriage pattern was one of monogamy, with divorce relatively easy for both sides" and "In the Philippines, ‘marriages last only so long as harmony prevails, for at the slightest cause in the world they divorce one another’ [Chirino 1604:321; cf. Morga, 1609: 275]. In Siam, similarly, ‘Husband and Wife’ may part again at pleasure, dealing their goods and children without further circumstance, and may re-marry if they think good, without fear of shame or punishment' [Shouten, 1636:146; cf. La Loubere, 1691:53; Van Vliet, 1636:86]. [12] Although pre-marital affairs were common and a woman’s virginity was not expected upon marriage, once a couple was married, they also were devoted and loyal to each other. The more organic custom of the people which was the rhetoric of the Catholic church’s position on a woman’s sexuality and preservation made observers such as Chirino focused closely on women’s sexual activities.

The Tagalog language is an example of ancient culture demonstrating the concept of gender neutrality. It became the commonly spoken language during the Spanish occupation particularly in Maynila (present-day Manila). The language, also known as Pilipino, with modifications in the number of alphabets and words, evolved to become the national language on September 3, 1937. On February 26, 1987, the Philippine constitution designated Filipino as the national language of the country. As simple as a change in one letter of the name of the language, from “P” to “F,” can be regarded as a subtle detail of how colonization has been imposed. Many local Filipinos, who are not English speakers, would be challenged by the pronunciation of “F” for Filipino when the pronunciation of “P” for Pilipino is more natural phonetically based on the Tagalog language. The Tagalog language itself is an ancient language. “A 1962 study by David Thomas and Alan Healey concluded that all Philippine languages have descended from a common ancestral tongue since about 1300 BC, and that Tagalog, Visaya, and Manobo separated around 100BC.” [13] In contrast to Latin-based languages such as French, Italian, and Spanish, the Tagalog language, which evolved into Filipino, is distinguished for its gender-neutral structure, where pronouns represent all genders and act as one unit. For example, ako means I, ikaw means you, siya means him or her (singular, gender neutral), tayo means us, kayo, means you (plural) sila means them. All objects and adjectives by structure are gender-neutral. For example, translating the sentence “The chair is big” in both Tagalog and French, Ang silya ay malaki (Tagalog, gender neutral), La chaise est grande (French, feminine).

The kingdom of Maynila prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in 1570 was a well-established, reputable, and wealthy community. Rajah Sulayman was a wealthy chief who was also related to the royal family of the Sultan of Brunei. “His house was large and contained many things of value such as copper, iron, porcelain, blankets, wax, cotton, and wooden vats filled with wine. Cannons were also found in Soliman’s storeroom.” [14] Manila was a fortified fort under the rule of Rajah Sulayman. Its population included Muslims, Chinese, and Japanese people. The community was progressive in the field of trading and agriculture and maintained a trading relationship with China. They were knowledgeable in metal smelting to produce weaponry which included cannons, and gunpowder artillery. The leadership of the community was strong and able to resist invasions from outsiders. Their leaders originally wrote in Kawi script (old Javanese script) and were writing the baybayin or Malay or Arabic script by the time the Spanish arrived on the island. Although the people of the kingdom of Maynila were converted Muslims, they were not fully abiding by the traditional Muslim practices. For example, some members would consume pork, not conduct circumcision, and not read the Koran. The variety of practice is another example of the complexity of the culture and identity of the pre-colonized societies on the archipelago.

Intramuros in the present-day capital city of Manila, also known as the walled city, remains to this day the most formidable accomplishment of the Spanish colonization. Its urban design followed the model that was developed by the Spanish in Mexico. Intramuros is characterized by a large centrally located church with a sizeable plaza in front, a demonstration of the growing dominance of the Roman Catholic religion. Surrounding the plaza are government buildings and expensive private residences. The streets are laid out on a grid pattern. It was strategically located south of Pasig where it meets the opening into Manila Bay on the west end corner. Upon the defeat of Rajah Sulayman in 1572, Maynila (Manila) became the capital of the Spanish government on the archipelago. Both gentrification and segregation took place as settlers inside Intramuros were restricted to the Spanish settlers, the catholic church, as well as government buildings. All native settlements including the Chinese and the Japanese settlers were ousted out of the area where Rajah Solayman’s settlement once stood and mandated them to resettle somewhere else. The Chinese who became a crucial part of external trading for the Spanish, along with the Japanese, were required to settle in a designated market area in what was once the kingdom of Tondo area. The Chinese also settled in other provinces in the archipelago. The Spanish believed “the healthy society was one in which peoples of different cultural backgrounds were kept apart and not allowed to live together in helter-kelter fashion.” [15] Prior to the Spanish colonization, Indigenous people cohabitated with the Chinese, the Japanese, and other foreigners who traded with them. Intermarriages earlier on would attest to the culture of ethnic diversity. One would argue that the idea of forced segregation on the archipelago was a Spanish concept.

Fort Santiago was a defense fortress inside Intramuros that was built by the Spanish in 1571. It was destroyed in 1574 during the attack of the Chinese led by Limahong. A stone fortress was built between 1589-1592. However, it was once again rebuilt in 1645 due to damage incurred by an earthquake. Throughout the history of colonization of Manila, the fort was used by the Spanish, the British, the Americans, and the Japanese as their headquarters as well as imprisonment and torture chambers of men and women in captivity. It was destroyed during the Battle of Manila in 1945. In 1950, Fort Santiago became a memorial for the freedom of Filipino victims during WWII. Restoration took place the following year.

The Spanish introduced on the archipelago the system of encomienda. It was a form of a reward system for the military men who took part in the conquest. Indigenous inhabitants who were settled within the area of Spanish sovereignty were expected to abide by the system of encomienda. The encomendar or the delegated individual was responsible for enforcing the encomienda. “He had the power to collect tribute, basically a tax, and to expect unpaid labor, or corvee, from the inhabitants of the encomienda. The tribute furnished the revenue for such expenses as those of the missionaries imparting Christian doctrine and running the encomienda.” [16] “Indeed the encomienda system was a set up to provide an income base for settlers and soldiers as well as to control the pacified people.” [17] This was a form of exploitation as an element of Spanish colonization. Indigenous people were not only forced to convert to Christianity for their survival and protection, but they were also forced to pay tribute to support the Spanish settlers.

Presently, Roman Catholicism is the most dominant religion in the Philippines. However, Catholic Filipinos cannot simply be compared to Catholics in the Western world as the people evolved to sustain some Indigenous beliefs and practices. Despite their dedicated faith in Catholicism, many Filipinos still believe in the presence of ancestral spirits, fairies, superstitions, folk healers, pagmamano or the gesture of a young person taking the hand of an elder to bring to their forehead as a sign of respect and greetings, and bayanihan or the act of a community working as a single unit. A significant portrait resulting from bayanihan are the rice terraces in Northern Luzon, on the Cordillera mountains. The stark contrast between a Filipino Catholic and an American or European Catholic is yet another example of the complexity of the culture and identity of the pre-colonized societies on the archipelago. This essay covered only a fraction of the Filipino culture before and during the Spanish colonization. Many Filipinos are not fully knowledgeable of the ancient history of the archipelago: the diversity in culture of the Filipino predecessors, the extent of Islamic influence in Luzon, the long history of trading with kingdoms outside of the archipelago, the long history of the Chinese traders (known as the mestizos) on the islands and their settlements, and the social infrastructure of the barangays with very distinct mindsets and standards…just to name a few. The Filipino people and their culture are complex and cannot easily be compared to any other culture outside of the country. Roman Catholicism has been influenced by Indigenous beliefs and practices. Islam during the pre-colonization period, the time of Rajah Sulayman in the kingdom of Maynila, the people did not fully abide by the practices of the Islamic religion. Although it was not thoroughly discussed in this essay, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Animism were part of the Indigenous culture before the arrival of the Spanish on the archipelago in 1520. Abundance of wealth and land were available and harmoniously enjoyed by various Indigenous groups. There was no notion of ownership or entitlement. Foreigners and Filipinos alike would characterize the Philippines as a matriarchal society. It is a legitimate observation for someone who is comingfrom a patriarchal society. However, in the absence of such bias, one would realize that the ancient Filipino societies acknowledged the existence of both men and women of equal importance to each barangay. By Western definition, Filipino societies were neither matriarchal nor patriarchal because it was in aspects a culture of gender equality. There were few opportunities for both men and women to compete directly because they each had their own societal position and responsibilities. Like a man, a woman’s happiness was equally important. A marriage was nurtured by devotion and loyalty for as long as harmony was present. The practice of divorce was initiated by either a man or a woman.

The question that this essay leads to is how will Filipinos justify their progressive future and how will the younger generations identify with it? Fort Santiago inside Intramuros in the capital city of Manila, for instance, has become a memorial to the victims of WWII. The formidable structure which represents the Spanish proficiency in the colonization of the archipelago has been rebuilt a few times. This essay hopes to provoke one to question…does the preservation of the architecture which solely gives cultural prominence to the power of the Spanish colonizers and the erasure of the ancient Filipino culture and people a justifiable future for all Filipinos worldwide? Will the younger generation continually be forced to identify as descendants of the imprisoned, captured, erased ancient people of the past? As an architect by discipline, I believe that architecture itself holds a significant role in representing the people and their culture. This essay hopes to reach out to prominent leaders including young promising leaders, and architects to take the opportunity to redefine the message that Fort Santiago and Intramuros had imposed on Filipinos for far more than 333 years, extending to the British, the Japanese, and the American colonialism of the archipelago up to now. Only when the stone walls are opened can Filipinos see the opportunity to understand their historical past, but until then, the people will be limited to the stone walls, never revealing the true history of Rajah Sulayman, Rajah Lakandula, Rajah Humabon, their kingdoms, the Datus in the Visayas, the Sultans in Mindanao, and the Thimuays in Zamboanga, and the other barangays on the archipelago.

In our progressive world filled with modernizations and technology, I would propose that based on the country’s ancient history, it is reasonable and responsive to our time now that the footprint of Intramuros could change to a new barangay. The new concept of a barangay could be a cultural hub, an urban layout that would have buildings representing the archipelago’s historical past. This urban planning concept would include (1) a modern design museum, interpreting the ancient architecture of settlements using modern materials, highlighting artifacts of historical past, and narration of the lives of the people, and featuring ideas, knowledges, languages and other cultural elements obtained through maritime trading relations with other countries; (2) an academy that would specialize in ancient technologies, medicinal practices and history of accomplishments of various Indigenous groups so that young Filipinos including members of various tribal groups on the islands would be given the opportunity to learn and improve their lives; (3) a monument not only to memorialize the victims of wars, but also a monument to symbolize that the ancient Filipinos will live on through their descendants; (4) the preservation of the Catholic church to represent the religious tolerance of the Filipinos and their dedicated faith; (5) the building of a mosque and temples to represent Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism; (6) a hotel which would showcase artistic influences of trading relations in a hospitality setting; (7) a prominent bridge to what was once the Kingdom of Tondo so this may tear down the Spanish ideal of creating distance between groups of people with different cultural backgrounds; (8) revive the natural ecosystem of the area by replanting indigenous vegetations. These are hypothetical yet realistic urban planning ideas that ought to be considered by Filipinos with the support of the neighboring Asian communities.

One must understand the long history of Filipino relationships with the Chinese as well as other neighboring Asian countries. Before any European set foot on the islands, the archipelago was a flourishing and culturally diverse chain of islands. If Filipinos are given the chance to study their DNA makeup, more people may realize that they are descendants of the ancient people who traded on the archipelago coming from present-day Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, India, Thailand, Taiwan, Japan, and China. The complexity of Filipino culture reflects the history of exchange with these groups. As an author and a Filipino of Chinese descent, we are one with them and no walls in history imposed by colonization could permanently erase ancient markers in the peoples’ makeup.

Men and women existed side by side. A woman was naturally empowered as a human being with the capability of bearing a child. The happiness of both men and women held equal weight in the community. Both had their own capabilities and roles in the community. Filipino societies allowed for their harmonious existence. Not only was there a great tolerance and acknowledgment of gender equality, but ancient Filipino societies also had great tolerance and acknowledgment of various religions. As discussed earlier in this essay, Indigenous people on the archipelago who were either Christianized Catholics or Islamized, all adapted to their new religions but kept with them their Indigenous values and beliefs. This is the complexity of the Filipino people which made them unique and puzzling for the Spanish conquistadors who first encountered them.

The younger generations of Filipinos will have plenty to look forward to regarding their true identities and be proud, if the older generations will work to reveal, protect, and revive the people’s ancient past. Most of Filipino history has been passed down by the people through oral stories. These stories will not live to see the next light of day if they are kept in silence for much longer. The younger generations have every right to be taught their history so they can rightfully judge and pursue their future.

[1] Willian H Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History (Quezon City, Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1984), 66.

[2] Ibid., 67.

[3] “Did You Know? The Butuan Archaeological Sites and the Role of the Philippines in the Maritime Silk Roads,” UNESCO, https://en.unesco.org/silkroad/content/did-you-know-butuan-archaeological-sites-and-role-philippines-maritime-silk-roads.

[4] Luis H. Francia, A History of the Philippines: From Indios Bravos to Filipinos (New York: Abrams Press, 2021), 39.

[5] Carmencita T. Aguilar, "The Muslims in Manila Prior to Colonial Control," Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 2, no. 1 (1987): 153, https://www.jstor.org/stable/41056722.

[6] Emma Blair and James Alexander Robertson, eds., The Philippine Islands 1493-1898 (Mandaluyong Rizal: Cacho Hermanos, Inc., 1971), 172-173.

[7] Daniel F Doeppers, "The Development of Philippine Cities Before 1900, The Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 4 (1972): 770, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2052101.

[8] Luis H. Francia, A History of the Philippines: From Indios Bravos to Filipinos (New York: Abrams Press, 2021), 41-42.

[9] "Women of 16th Century Venice," USC Dornsife, https://dornsife.usc.edu/veronica-franco/women-of-16th-century-venice/.

[10] Luis H. Francia, A History of the Philippines: From Indios Bravos to Filipinos (New York: Abrams Press, 2021), 42.

[11] Willian H Scott, "Prehispanic Filipino Concepts of Land Rights,"   Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 22, no. 3 (1994): 166-167, https://www.jstor.org/stable/29792156.

[12] Anthony Reid, "Female Roles in Pre-colonial Southeast Asia," Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 3, Special Issue: Asian Studies in Honour of Professor Charles Boxer (1988): 629-630, https://www.jstor.org/stable/312601.

[13] Willian H Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History (Quezon City, Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1984), 68.

[14] Carmencita T. Aguilar, "The Muslims in Manila Prior to Colonial Control," Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 2, no. 1 (1987): 154, https://www.jstor.org/stable/41056722.

[15] Edgar Wickberg , "The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History," Journal of Southeast Asian History 5, no. 1 (1964): 64, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20067476.

[16] Luis H. Francia, A History of the Philippines: From Indios Bravos to Filipinos (New York: Abrams Press, 2021), 65.

[17] Daniel F Doeppers, "The Development of Philippine Cities Before 1900, The Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 4 (1972): 772, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2052101.